SULTAN ABDÜLHAMİD THE 2ND
Son of Abdulmecid. His mother is Tir-i Mujgan, wife of Abdulmecid of Circassian origin. He was born in Çıragan Palace on 21 September 1842. He was brought up by Pirustu, his stepmother and the wife of the sultan, after decease of his mother in 1853 when he was 11. Original photographs reveal that Abdulhamid the 2nd was of medium height and a person with a aquiline nose, brilliant and big eyes and black straight hair. However it is not possible to lay impartial considerations about his character because there are several speculations about him.
Hamid Ongunsu, who wrote the biography of Sultan Abdulhamid the 2nd in the Islam Encyclopedia, defines him as “...smart and skilful in particular in concealing his real character and thoughts”. Some books define him as introvert, quiet, not cordial in his behaviors and a person not keeping his word. In spite of these false definitions, everybody agrees on his being a hardworking, determined, loyal and skeptical person with excessive intelligence and memory. It is also said that he was kind and respectful, and that he knew how to please people.
As to the level of education of Abdulhamid the second, while authors like Ongunsu state that he did not have a strong educational background, authors like Cevdet Küçük with a milder approach to him express that he received a good education. However, historians report that Abdulhamid the 2nd was taught Turkish by Gerdankıran Ömer Efendi, Persian by Ali Mahvî Efendi, Ottoman History by V'ak’anüvis Lütfi Efendi, French by Edhem and Cemal Pashas and a Frenchman called Gardet and Music by two Italians named Guarelli and Lombardi. Since his elder brother prince Murad the 5th was regarded as the crown prince in his youth days, he did not attract attention from the people of the palace and therefore he lived a simple life far from extremities.
On one hand his tendency to Kadirî sect, and on the other his being a good listener of classical western music show that he has a distinct character. It is recorded that the arranged concerts in the palace in his spare times for the operas, orchestras, pianists and violinists he took from the West. Among his hobbies were carpentry, sword using, horse riding and shooting with guns. However he never hampered his studies and had nights which he studies for 16 hours a day. He made no concession about seriousness and he was unforgiving for errors and negligence. He separated responsibilities but always took the final decision himself. As to his family life, it is reported that Abdulhamid had 8 wifes, 5 Favorite Concubines, and 3 favorites. He had 12 daughters and 9 sons totaling to 21 children from his spouses. Sultan Abdulhamid was dethroned after a 33-year reign in 1919 and was kept under supervision in first Salonika and then in Istanbul. He died in 1915 when he was 73. He is buried in the Mahmut the second tomb known with the name of his grandfather Mahmud the second, in Istanbul Divanyolu.
His time of ascending the throne was in a period of deep crisis of Ottoman State. Mithat Pasha and his friends thought that the difficult conditions the state was in were a result of the weakness of the reign of Sultan Murad the 5th and that the solution of the problems laid in a constitutional monarchy. At last they dethroned Sultan Murad the 5th having obtained a promise that he would declare a constitution. The actions of Abdulhamid the 2nd with regard to the constitutional order and Mithat Pasha were discussed by the Turkish historians. Abdulhamid dismissed and send into an exile Mithat Pasha, who had great popularity and credit in European Countries on 5 February 1877 by virtue of his constitutional powers. However, he did not abandon constitutional order and opened the parliament on 19 March 1877 pursuant to the elections.
115 members of the “Parliament of Deputies (Meclis-i Mebusan)”, which was the first Turkish parliament consisting of 141 members, were deputies and 26 were senators. 69 of these deputies were Muslims, 46 of them were Non-Muslims. The decision of inaugurating a parliament consisting of so many non-Muslim members show that Abdulhamid the 2nd was initially liberal or at least did not oppose to a liberal and constitutional monarchial system. Nevertheless, Abdulhamid the 2nd was blamed for despotism because he disassembled the Parliament. However, Abdulhamid is sincere in his behavior, but the reason for his disassembling the parliament is that the parliament and constitutional monarchy caused chaos in the country during the Turkish-Russian war. Abdulhamid and Young Ottomans thought that declaration of Constitution and establishment of constitutional monarchy would prevent collapsing of the Ottoman State, make non-Muslim populaces be loyal to the State and assuage the policies of Major Countries against Ottoman State.
Not only neither of these took place, but also worse happened and the integrity of the state underwent a threat. Thereupon, Abdulhamid the 2nd disassembled Parliament of Deputies wherefrom opposing voices were raised and which he did not find very sincere in standing forth as a protector of the state and undertook all powers as if a monarch. Thus, the totalitarian governance of Abdulhamid the second which would last until 1908 began.
Despite his educational level and his not being educated as a sultan, with a performance not expected from himself, Abdulhamid the second succeeded in establishing a powerful government. Almost all historians, in spite of their critics, describe his success in this issue as a wonder of political strategy. Putting his own men in key points as chief assistant, sending away liberals by virtue of the constitution, sending into exile the generals throwing on them the blame of the failure in war, Abdulhamid gained success in taking his rivals away in time.
On the other hand, he did not neglect taking advantage of the charisma of the people who are respected by the people and nearly used the victory of Russia to become the government alone. Anyhow, he easily disassembled the Parliament of Deputies and sustained the constitution as a consequence of Russian pressure. The bureaucracy around him was indebted their position to himself from that point on. The Sultan prepared the conditions of a totalitarian government and saved himself of symbols associating himself with Reforms (Tanzimat) and weak sultans. It is obvious indeed that none of what Abdulhamid had done were coincidental as from that date including moving. From that date on, a new era started in Yıldız.
It would be useful to know political developments to understand his rise.
As known, in September 1876, Abdulhamid the 2nd took over a very dangerous diplomatic condition. Ottoman Empire was in war with Serbia and Karadağ. Russia had declared war on the pretext of developments in Balkans and that Bulgarian Rebellion failed and the conditions of London Treaty were not fulfilled. While Russia was putting into practice their ethnical historical plan to take Turks out of Bulgarian territories by advancing rapidly to South together with Romans, Serbs, Karadağians and Bulgarians, Ottoman State could do nothing because of its financial and military condition and because it could find no political or other support from other countries. Ottoman army, withdrawing from Thrace and Caucasian fronts, was followed by hundreds of thousands of immigrants. While such events took place on the front, the Parliament of Deputies which was the focus of hope had turned into the scene of struggles and intrigues of various possession groups. The fragility of the condition was not being taken into consideration and Armenian and Greek deputies were discussing motions which did not fit the period such as acceptance of their languages as official language.
Moreover, Edirne Agreement signed with Russians in Edirne in order to prevent worsening of the situation when Russian army approached Istanbul provided the opportunity to wear the sultan and his environment down to them. However, the sultan wanted that post-war peace conditions be discussed in the parliament within the framework of the Constitution. Nevertheless, the deputies attending the meeting in the palace blamed directly the sultan for the crushing defeat and conclusion of the war. They wanted dismissal of the grand vizier and commanders. They brought forward demands such as Ministers’ coming to the Parliament and accounting for what they did.
Abdulhamid the 2nd disagreed such demands putting forward that the war still continued and that the situation was critical. He only replaced grand vizier Ethem Pasha with Ahmet Hamdi Pasha. Despite that, the proposal was accepted on 22 January. Thereupon, the sultan closed Parliament of Deputies for an uncertain period of time on 13 February 1878 by virtue of the constitution. However he made no declarations that he gave up constitutional monarchy and constitution. On the contrary, he frequently had state declarations mention about the existence of these two foundations and maintained constitutional state in form.
After passing of the initiative and burden onto the sultan, Abdulhamid the 2nd signed on 3 March 1878 Ayastefanos Agreement ending the war with the Russians. However, Britain and Russia, objecting to the agreement, wanted negotiation of its articles in a congress in Berlin. On the other hand, Britain undertook the governance of Cyprus Island on 4 June 1878 on the pretext that it will help Ottoman State in the conference. Despite such concession, Britain remained lukewarm in the conference, and Sultan Abdulhamid had to sign Berlin treaty under harsh conditions (13 July 1878).
Ottoman State not only paid a very heavy reparations as a consequence of this agreement but also Serbia, Romania and Karadağ won their independence. Bulgarian Princedom was established. It was decided that reforms should be made for Armenians in the East. In addition, since the economical conditions of Ottoman Empire was corrupt, Kars, Ardahan and Batum were left to Russia in return for the reparations promised. Bosnia and Herzegovina was occupied by Austria.
Thus, as Abdulhamid estimated, in Berlin major states had put into practice their plans to share Ottoman Empire. The Cyprus concession Abdulhamid personally made for the hope of prevention of such plans did not work and a strategically important island was left to British. Abdulhamid played no role in development of incidents until that time, but these events provided the conditions that allowed him to establish monarchical government and taking full control of the government as from late 1881. Abdulhamid the second who believed that sharing governance brought about disasters for the country and who could not even stand remarks against himself took full control of the government, scholars and army.
Then he put into practice step by step his plans and opinions for revival of the Ottoman Empire in his mind. However, Abdulhamid who was described as pro-Islamic and who benefited from the advantages of caliphate encountered a strange option. His greatest supporter for preparing serious reform plans is British Ambassador Layord.
However, Abdulhamid the second who was blamed for establishing a despotic government, drew the country near to western standards via several reforms and regulations such as judicial reform, educational reform, environmental arrangement, construction of railways, modernization of defense system. So much that the architects and infrastructure of the Republic was revealed.
However, the bill for these reforms was heavy. The credibility of the state had dropped due to problems experienced during repayment of debts from Abdulaziz Period. And Abdulhamid the second did not have much to overcome this problem. Customs policy did not work due to Imperial Capitulations blocking the import rights. Farming system was no longer efficient as it had been. The taxes could not be collected because of the attitudes of landowners.
Abdulhamid the 2nd started working to correct this situation in economic field. First he had an agreement with bankers for correction of foreign debt credibility (22 November 1880). Then, with another regulation for foreign debts, attempted to discharge foreign debts consuming more than half of the annual incomes of the state and harming the prestige of the country.
He signed an agreement with the representatives of European creditors on 20 December 1881. This agreement known as “Muharrem Kararnamesi (Muharrem Agreement)” granted the privilege to establish Düyûn-u Umumiyye (Public Debts) organization for collection of certain state incomes to the creditor countries. Abdulhamid the 2nd was much criticized by Turkish historians because of this agreement and caused a polemic in our history.
However, such condition provided a provisional easiness. Abdulhamid the 2nd, having corrected the financial portrait, allotted for the first time a “Sultan Appropriation” in order to increase his influence in the government and the country. This means allocation of a portion of the budget for his and his family’s personal use. However, this practice was doubtlessly in no way used for personal purposes.
Abdulhamid the 2nd spent sultan appropriations for investments, purchasing of agricultural lands, and buying soils in Mesopotamia especially after 1879. A research by Albertine Juvaideh notes that the sultan, by this way, possessed 1/3 of the plantable soil near Baghdad, for instance. The situation is no different in Palestine, Musul, Basra and some other provinces. Although all aspects of this policy called Royal lands requires further investigation, there is no doubt that it came out successful as a means of strengthening the authority of the sultan. Another aspect of Public Debts organization is foreign capital incoming which should be evaluated as a whole with its positive and negative aspects. After Duyûn-u Umumiye (Public Debts organization), the number of countries increased but the Ottoman state left rights of running underground and aboveground Ottoman resources to French, British and German companies and banks.
These banks and their connections, the leading bank being Osmanlı Bank (Ottoman Bank) tried to establish privilege areas in Ottoman territories and caused division of the country as economical influence regions between other countries. The competition especially on railroad field ended in the victory of Germany and resulting excessive influence of Germany in the country. The sultan, by deciding to have railroad constructed between Istanbul and Baghdad (1902), caused German foreign policy enter Iraq. Such decision would provide a background for closer relations between German Empire and Ottomans.
All such diplomatic activities and maneuvers were perceived differently by the historians. While some people claim that he followed a brilliant foreign policy, other claim the contrary. Bayram Kodaman, depicting that the foreign policy goal of Abdülbamid the 2nd was to protect the “territorial integrity and interests” of the country, states that he adopted a “peaceful” foreign policy maintaining the “status quo”, being aware of the equilibrium between the power and goals of the state. Abdülhamid the 2nd, believing that he can do this by means of diplomatic but not military ways, attached much importance to diplomacy and intelligence.
Indeed, there is no space left for war in his foreign policy. Even we can say that he is told to have hated war after the Ottoman-Russian War known as 93 Harbi (93 War). As a matter of fact, his foreign policy can be said to be concessive, but not adventurous. This is because he attached primary importance to protection of Anatolia and Thrace in his foreign policy.
To this end, he had to sacrifice Cyprus in 1878, Tunisia in 1881 and Egypt in 1882.
It is a well-known fact that British had a role in determination of his policy for a long time. Still, it is a fact that he never acted concessive apart from the territories he was already prepared to sacrifice-anyway the state was not militarily strong enough to protect Egypt and Tunisia etc.
For example he could be insistent and obstinate against the demands by Armenians on Eastern Anatolia and by Greeks on Crete, and he even said he could sacrifice his throne and life for these.
The most concrete example of this is that he risked warring with Greece and that he won. It is considerable that the sultan accepted the war in spite of the European countries. Another remarkable issue about this war is that the Ottoman Empire is still under the pressure of big states. This is because Ottoman army, despite having occupied Greece in a very short period till near Athens, it could not gain anything apart from very little reparations because of the interference of other states.
Abdulhamid the 2nd, against such interference, pursued a new foreign policy. He attached prior importance to and weighed establishment of close ties with Germany, thinking because of Cyprus and Egypt and other foreign incidents, that Britain, which seemed to act friendly, aimed at breaking the Ottoman Empire into pieces since 1876.
Pursuant to this risky but, considering the conditions of the day, necessary change of policy, the two countries cooperated in military, technical and educational fields. But it did not take much time for Britain and Russia to react to this policy. Nevertheless, until the meeting of King of Britain Edvard and Czar of Russia Nikola in Reval, Abdulhamid the 2nd could practice equilibrium policy.
Abdulhamid the 2nd, put into practice the policy of pan-Islam with support of Germany. It also prevented formation of alliances against the Ottoman State by provoking the conflicts between his enemies. Thanks to his using Karadağ against Serbia, and Greece against Bulgaria, their political dissolution and nationalization attempts were slowed down. Thrace remained as Ottoman territory in line with foreign policy goals.
François Georgeon notes that Abdulhamid the 2nd could keep Thrace in hand “without any cost on the part of the state, only by means of the equilibrium established by diplomatic tricks”. Considering the fact that Ottoman Empire diminished its goals in a considerable manner, this can be regarded as a success. As a matter of fact, Ottoman State followed a Islamic unity policy called “Pan-Islamism”. However, some authors claim that this was not a conscious policy and that because foreign policy conditions required struggling on a very wide geographical area, his policy seemed as pan-Islamism.
François Georgeon depicts that he tried to put into practice in his personality the caliphate concept in its most “contemporary” form with regard to his comment abut pan-Islamism policy, and states that his true purpose was to react against the Arabic intellectuals supported by Britain who asserted that caliphate was unjustly occupied by Ottomans and that it should be returned to Arabs. However, as some people claim, his pan-Islamism policy is not totally ignorant. But we can discuss whether it worked.
As known, Abdulhamid the 2nd undertook the problems of all Muslims as their spiritual leader. He did not abstain from spending huge amounts of money in order to have railway laid down to Hijaz. On one hand, importance of caliph’s position was shown by establishing contacts with Muslims from all over the world from India to Indonesia, and on the other hand colonist and expansionist policy of the British was tried to be barricaded. Such policy followed by means of money, missionaries and supporting publications, no matter how much its effectiveness is in question, was enough to frighten Europeans.
The caliph policy by Abdulhamid is assessed as breaking off Reforms (Tanzimat).Sultan’s position which was restricted and turned into a post of protocol in Reforms period was turned into an even stronger position by Abdulhamid the 2nd. His pan-Islamism policy served appearance of first political leaders of Islamic world resisting against colonists.
No matter how assessed, the pressurizing policies of Abdulhamid the 2nd caused a growing opposition becoming more and more effective among the intellectuals and people in early 1900’s. Obviously, the economic portrait of the Empire played an important role in providing a background for this opposition. But it would be mistaken to say that the starting point of the opposition is merely the economic conditions. However, it is not wrong to say that the opposing groups put fiscal policies and difficulties in foreign policy to good use.
Some of the intellectuals of the period thought that the only way to end his pressure and absolute rule and recover the country from the conditions it suffers, was constitutional monarchy. Committee members of some ethnical and religious groups such as Armenians, Greeks, Bulgarians and Arabs, under the leadership of a secretly established and acting group named İttihat ve Terakki. They claimed that the economic policies of Abdulhamid suited the developed western countries’ interests. Increasing prices, foreign debts and decreasing worker and civil servant salaries facilitated their finding supporters. Young Turks, mostly struggling from abroad, became much effective with publications they brought to Turkey secretly.
Relevant strikes and protest demonstrations carried out accordingly, helped reactions against Abdulhamid government find supporters. Especially when the opposition, which started particularly among the military classes in Manastır and Salonika and showed a rapid progress, gained power, Abdulhamid the 2nd, who did not want to cause a civil war, put the constitution in effect again. The Sultan, initiating this period called 2nd Constitutional Monarchy, declared that elections would be held in the shortest period of time and that parliament of deputies would gather again. In addition, he would eliminate secret police organization and censure.
This declaration which the people celebrated with festivals did not lead to the expected changes. İttihat ve Terakki remained behind because they did not have a political program. In the elections held (Fall 1908), the İttihat party, winning a victory, sent the sultan to the palace once again like in the Reforms period and established a constitutional monarchy government based on separation of powers. Nevertheless, the young opponents of the parliament controlling legislation and the government where elder people ruled fell in disagreement in a very short time. The only subject of disagreement in the parliament was not separation of legislative and executive powers. In the parliament consisting of non-Muslims for the most part, representatives of peoples such as Albanians, Greeks, and Arabs had turned away from Turks due to foreign interference.
Everyone acted like separatists and the main point of existence of İttihat ve Terakki, “Unity of Peoples” was ignored and even disregarded. The assassinations arranged by the İttihat supporters against this caused increasing of uneasiness. Dismissal of officers who did not receive systematic education from the army left no easiness in the army either. Therefore, the public opinion started to turn to be negative in Istanbul, and shooting of Hasan Fehmi, one of the most powerful writers of the opposition led to great reaction.
Growing reactions turned into an armed rebellion on 13 April (31 March with Gregorian calendar). Some of the İttihat party supporters blamed for being mason, unbeliever etc. were killed, and offices of some of the journalists were destroyed. Armenians taking advantage of such disorder and chaos rebelled in Adana and killed many Turks. The officers of 3rd army in Salonika set in motion after the long lasting incidents in Istanbul and arriving in Istanbul, they overcame the rebellion and decided to dethrone Abdulhamid.
However, the sultan claimed that he was trying to calm the rebellion and accepted establishment of a commission about his role in the emergence of incidents. Even he told to the grand vizier that he could leave the throne to his brother. However, pro-İttihat people, even without a need to investigate the background of the events, dethroned and sent Abdulhamid into exile in Salonika. During Balkan wars, they supervised him in Beylerbeyi Palace.
These are the events causing different perceptions about Abdulhamid by holders of different opinions. As obvious, those who lost what they had won with Reforms (Tanzimat) became enemies of Abdulhamid and tried to introduce him as a despot and reactionary.
Also many publications describe Abdulhamid the 2nd as an immoral and oppressive person. But Abdulhamid the 2nd, despite the allegations of Armenian historians, was never a blood shedding person. In fact, historical documents show that only a few number of capital punishments were executed in his period. True reason of why Sultan Abdulhamid the 2nd is called Red Sultan As known, in accordance with article 61 of the Berlin Treaty dated 1878, Ottoman State had to make reforms in favor of the Armenians living in Erzurum, Diyârbekir, Sivas, Harput=El-Aziz, Van and Bitlis, called together as Six Provinces (Vilâyât-ı Sitte). The major states were going to supervise this. Unfortunately, like all of the Ottoman State, Armenians were provoked in these places. Provoked Armenians began to slaughter Muslims.
In 1886, in Switzerland, Armenian Hınçak Association, which killed thousands of Muslims in Anatolia was founded. Although Muslims were not allowed even to become a civil servant in Russia and Britain, Armenians could even be ministers in the Ottoman country. However, they initiated terrorist policies on grounds of rights and freedom slogans. They were slaughtering even the babies and children by making raids on hundreds of Muslim villages.
Upon such terror and horror, Sultan Abdulhamid the 2nd, commissioned Müşir Zeki Pasha, the commander of 4th Army centered in Erzincan to stop Armenian terror. The actions of the Pasha who gave no quarter to the terrorists resulted in a campaign against Abdulhamid in European press.
Historian Count Albert Vandal, member of French Academy, used the title of Le Sultan Rouge for Abdulhamid for the first time, and unfortunately, Ittihat party supporters, translating this phrase as Kızıl Sultan (Red Sultan), started to speak ill of Sultan Abdulhamid together with the Armenians. Unfortunately, accusations by the Ittihat party supporters against Sultan Abdulhamid as Armenian murderer and their calumniating him as Red Sultan even influenced the textbooks of the Republic period.
At this point, two issues should be particularly noted: First, the Ittihat party supporters who calumniated Abdulhamid as Armenian Killer and Red Sultan, were calumniated afterwards with the same titles due to the Armenian forced immigration in 1915, thus realizing the justice. Anyway, the primary reason of the incidents in the East was that they set Armenian committees free after they came to power.
Second, Sultan Abdulhamid, during his reign, the 2nd never executed capital punishment for his opponents except for de facto conditions such as Raid on Çırağan Palace, contrary to the allegations of some historians. He even did not issue an order to the 1st Army fearing that people of the same nation would kill each other, in order to stop the members of the army coming from Thrace.
Palestinian Policy of Sultan Abdulhamid the 2nd The eternal enemies of all Muslim Turks, Ottoman State in particular, constantly and always inverted and used against us the historical facts in our favor which we should consider as a matter of pride, thus falsifying the history. The relationship of Ottoman State with Palestine is one of these issues. People who do not know the legal and political order carried out by the Ottoman state in Palestinian territories advocate that all disasters coming down on the Arabic world constitute a bad remembrance of Ottoman dominance. Nonetheless, the fact is the opposite way.
The Jewish people had assembled the 1st Zionist Congress in the precedence of Theodor Herzl, the founder of Zionism in Basel Province of Switzerland. Jewish bankers and riches were mobilized to found Jewish State. Herzl’s appearance before Abdulhamid the 2nd was accepted on 19 May 1901 by mediation of Austria Ambassador. Herzl, reminding that Jewish immigrants from Spain and other European countries were welcomed by Ottoman State in 1492, explained innocently that they wanted to settle down in Palestine. He proposed on behalf of the world Jews that they would be loyal citizens to Ottoman State and provide millions of gold money to Ottoman State.
Abdulhamid the 2nd, strongly refusing such proposal by a journalist to the sultan, knew that he defied the Jews after the Armenians. Despite the Jews, seeing the impossibility of settling down in Palestinian territory by force, sent their president Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) in person to the sultan used their money power, the reply of the sultan shows that it did not work: “I do not sell even a hand span of territory, because this land is not mine but Ottoman nation’s. My nation gained these soils by shedding their blood. We give them back only the way we took”. Ottoman State imposed significant legal measures against the desire of Jews to settle down in these soils:
First: Ottoman State turned the legal statute of Palestinian soils into state land with a decree dated 18 Rajab 1287/1871. However, since 20 % of the land was still private land, Jews could settle down in these places as much as they could. Abdulhamid the second, immediately after he ascended the throne, published his decree dated 25 Rabi II 1308/1883: Such legal regulation indirectly prevented any legal possibilities that Jews could be sold properties. On the other hand, he tried to eliminate such possibility by buying as much land as possible in Palestine with his personal possessions.
Second: Abdulhamid the 2nd, upon seeing that Jewish rush to Palestinian territory could not be prohibited despite all precautions, issued a Royal decree to solve Jewish problem considerably in spite of the reports and protocols by the Grand Vizier’s Office and Special Committee. The special committee, one of the members of which was Ahmet Cevdet Pasha and which was preceded by Grand Vizier Muhammed Salih Kamil Pasha, presented on 20 Dhu’l hijjah 1308/14 July 1307/1891 their petition to the Grand Vizier’s Office that 400 Jews coming to Safed district in Palestinian soil as tourists and 40 Jews in Haifa should be admitted to citizenship. The Grand Vizier’s Office presented the same to the Sultan with a letter of the same date signed by Kamil Pasha. Sultan Abdulhamid, with an excellent common sense and foresight, clarifies the issue with his decree dated 21 Dhu’l hijjah 1308 (15 July 1307 (1891). This historical document reveals that the Jews demanding to settle down in Palestinian soils are refused on grounds of the following items:
a) The reason why Jews want to gather and settle down in Palestinian soils, in particular Jerusalem is that they want to found a Jewish state. It is definitely necessary to prevent this.
b) Ottoman soils are not empty soils where anyone who wants can settle down. They are either private property, or foundation land or state land. The decree dated 1278 is important from that point of view.
c) There is no just reason and meaning of admitting to the Ottoman country the Jews, who were expelled by the Europeans, who claim that they are civilized nations to the rest of the world,.
d) Armenians, who were protected in Ottoman country for centuries caused trouble for the State. It is dangerous with regard to the future of the state to admit Jews, when there is Armenian disturbance.
Jews, by causing at least as much terror as the Armenians during the 1st World War and afterwards, confirmed Sultan Abdulhamid the 2nd. Therefore, no Jews shall be admitted to Ottoman citizenship and they will not be permitted to settle down in Ottoman country. Third: Abdulhamid the 2nd did not get contented with these and prohibited soil and property selling to Jews over all Ottoman State territories. In brief, Ottoman State protecting Palestine with state guarantee weakened in the reign period of Ittihat and Terakki with a parallel weakening in Palestinian problem. The collapse of Ottoman state brought about a parallel collapsing in the problem too.
Abdulhamid the 2nd lead to great advances during his 33-year reign and left a trained staff for the new generations and the Republic. Therefore, his educational institutions should be cited at the top of the list of his works.